Building The Future From The Inside Out – Strategic Aims of A Communist Canada




Building The Future

From The Inside Out


Strategic Aims of A Communist Canada





Table of Contents

(PDF Downloads at bottom. Reader and Printer files.)

Introduction ———————————————————————————-Page 4

Communism, Socialism, Marxism… What Are They? ———————————–Page 4

On the Proposal of a Three – Tiered Approach ——————————————- Page 10

On The Development of New Societal Systems From Within ————————– Page 15

On A Revolutionary Peoples Party ——————————————————– Page 23

On The Need For a Revolutionary People’s Defense Force and People’s War ——– Page 32

Conclusion ———————————————————————————– Page 37

Contact Us & Visit Us Online ————————————————————– Page 40



We are a grass roots group of Canadians, with friends and supporters around the world. We believe in and strive for the realization of a communist society in Canada. A society in which the needs of the people are met, equality among the people has been achieved and where class, currency, and division are things of the past. We aim to work with and coordinate with all individuals and organizations who share this vision and who work and struggle towards its realization, in all avenues of the struggle. We are A Communist Canada.

Communism, Socialism, Marxism… What Are They?

What is communism? What isn’t communism? What is Socialism? They aren’t the same? What is Marxism? Isn’t that a dictatorship? Don’t you like freedom? What about all the people that communism killed?

These are questions often asked or thought of whenever these terms are used or mentioned. These questions and terms, through decades of western propaganda, have been given answers, definitions and meanings which don’t actually fit the ideology and actuality of these terms.

Socialism, often associated with the Nazis and Hitler’s Germany. Communism, placed in the same category of dictatorships under ruthless rulers. Marxism, as an unshakable and unbending doctrine through which we worship our great divine messiah, comrade Marx.

It’s curious then, why socialism and communism have not been so easy an ideology to suppress globally from the minds and consciousness of the global masses. And why years of constant efforts in the west to distort, manipulate and straight falsify the reality of not only these terms and ideologies, but the actual real life gains and benefits that came with them, is proving unsuccessful. Maybe because of the reality of the real life gains and benefits that came with them.

Either way, Socialism and Communism are here to stay. So much so that it would be unwise to ignore a looming crackdown in the so called “free and democratic societies” of the west against progressives of all walks. Regardless, we are here to stay. Albeit within a vast sea of disinformation and propaganda.

So, what is communism? Communism is a stateless, classless and money less society. Seems far out we know. Every great progress seems far out from today’s perspective. Capitalism as a globally dominating economic system, in a time of kings and queens who ruled by divine decree; meaning God said their rule is sanctioned, seemed like a far out idea at the time. Fast forward 500 years and here we are. Staring at and trying to claw our way out of the “far out idea”. Communism is a stateless, classless and money less society. Without this achievement, it is not communism. No matter the label or the name of the party in control of the state. Stateless, money less and classless society equals communism.

So, what is Socialism? This answer has many layers. Socialism is a way of organizing society. It is an economic system. To many communists, it is a transitional period between capitalism and communism. A way of building society away from capitalism and toward a stateless, classless and money less society.

How is Socialism a different economic system and way of organizing society? By changing the motive from which all decisions are made. That being profit under capitalism. Human needs instead of profit is the deciding factor when making decisions on how to use resources, productive forces, various institutions etc. With this difference in motive comes the difference in organizing society.

Under capitalism, the idea or the “free market dream”, is to have everything privatized, owned and for a profit. As such, the means of production (that is the land, resources, labor, factories, mines, banks etc.) of a society are to be privately owned by individuals or conglomerates, to be used to extract increasing amounts of profit, first and foremost. Institutions and laws are created and developed to hold together this organization of society, and the people over time will be squeezed tighter and tighter until eventually the system cracks from within and from without and the people revolt. This is the nature of the accumulation of capital.

Under socialism, the means of production would be publicly owned. That is, the decisions on how, what, when, where and why become the right and responsibility of the people. The means of production used to meet the needs of the people rather than to reap the profits for a few.

Socialism is often tagged as big government, or anything the government does is socialism. Taking tax payers money for social services is not socialism. Canada is not a socialist country. Socialism, only has taken a step toward realizing itself when the people of a society are in control of the means of production, and are in control of their own decision making and destinies. Imagine if we got to decide if we were going to pump oil, for example. If we’re going to mine the earth, what food to grow and how. How much, where, and how the proceeds would be used to benefit society; would it be healthcare, education, infrastructure, research and technology, all of the above. Now imagine if we got to decide everything.

Would the increase in wealth remaining within the society creating said wealth reduce things like poverty, homelessness, addiction; would it afford us the ability to reduce the work day for the entire population, ultimately increasing the quality of life of all citizens? Could a society lead the way in planet saving technology, tackle global poverty? These are questions that rarely get asked by non-socialists or communists; partially due to the misunderstandings around socialism, and partly due to the “far out idea” of true people’s democracy.

Fred Hampton, Chairman of the Illinois chapter of The Black Panther Party, before he was murdered in his sleep by the police, said “Socialism is the people, if you’re afraid of socialism, you’re afraid of yourself.”

What is Marxism? Marxism, is a living science. It is a way of observing and interpreting phenomena. Phenomena such as the nature and mechanisms of a society. Marxism is also a critique of capitalism as an economic system, and an observation of the holes that exist within capitalism as well as the eventual outcomes of capitalism.

What nature of society? The opening line of The Communist Manifesto correctly states, “The history of all hitherto societies is the history of class struggle.” If one wants to correctly see the nature and mechanisms of a given society, then one must observe that society through the lens of class differences and/or class antagonisms. Capitalism , in all of its institutions of higher learning, systematically ignore the class antagonisms and class composition of society in order to maintain the false narrative of equal opportunity.

Marxism looks at society and its workings from the perspective of class. How does a particular thing relate to a particular class? In a capitalist society, there are 2 classes. Those who own the means of production and those who labor for those who own the means of production. Austerity measures for example, are when cuts to social and public services are deemed necessary in order allocate funds to more needed sections or for whatever engineered reason. To a Marxist, austerity measures are a war on the working class. What does austerity do? It removes wealth from the lowest strata of society, and transfers that wealth to the upper echelons of the ruling class. Recognizing this class differential and applying this understanding when observing or analyzing society, or the issues facing our society, is the basic foundations of Marxism.

Capitalism is always changing. Marxism is always changing. If Marxism is a way to interpret and understand society, then naturally it will change along with the changes of capitalism. Marxism is not a static set of principles which need to be adhered to down to the letter. It is a way of observing and understanding capitalism and a capitalist society from a perspective other than that of the dominating socio-economic ideologues. Marxism is a science.

Isn’t it a dictatorship? The dictatorship of the proletariat is a term used that many people do not understand. First of all, what is the proletariat? The proletariat is the working class of the world. Those who do not own the means of production. Those who subsist by selling their labor for a wage, the unemployed, the disabled etc. ( there is some debate among socialists and Marxists as to what constitutes a proletarian , as far as we are concerned , this is the distinction we make. ) Those who do not own the means of production, or in other words, the vast majority of any given society. So if the proletariat is the working class, or the vast majority of society, then the dictatorship of the proletariat is the dictatorship by the majority over the minority. Subsequently the exact opposite of what we have now. Currently we exist in a system where the minority wealthy class dictate to the majority working class. This is called a “dictatorship of the bourgeoisie” or ruling class.

The ruling class, for quite some time now, have been involved in a global economic system. With tentacles spreading to all corners of the earth and throughout multiple nations. The implications and historical verification of this are such that whenever a people choose to reorganize society in a way that threatens the interests of the capitalist ruling class, that people suffers the full weight of the global economic structure coming down on it. The vast amounts of wealth, military power, financial power etc. historically has come against every people who have made or attempted to make this shift. The very small minority of the ruling class hold the vast majority of resources and wealth of the world. For this reason, the rights of the previous ruling minority are to be restricted as such that they cannot interfere with the progression and construction of the new society, based on the majority will of the people. The dictatorship of the proletariat then is the enforcement of the dictates of the majority of the people of a given society.

Don’t you like freedom? Yes, we value freedom immensely. Freedom for all people. Freedom from exploitation, from destitution and poverty. The freedom to live. This is why we are communists. We recognize the enormous numbers of human beings in the world who are not free, who remain in various degrees under the boot of tyranny. Communists recognize that there is no “friendly capitalism”. That capitalism is a system built on and predicated on the exploitation of one person, group or party by another person group or party. That capitalism systematically and without mercy cuts through eco-systems, nations, cultures, communities, and reduces large portions of the earth’s population to destitution and squalor at best; poverty, hunger and death are not uncommon. Capitalism unrelentingly imposes its will on all who it encounters and tirelessly wages war against any ideology, peoples or nation that comes against it or threatens its global supremacy.

Capitalism is division. Capitalism is exploitation. Capitalism is gross inequality. Capitalism is the culture of excess and the consumption of death. Endless wars, poverty, starvation disease, genocide and murder. These will be the legacy of capitalism. Capitalism is our adolescent stage. The stage where “they are all my chips”, “get your own”, “I don’t have enough”. Capitalism was once the catalyst for innovation. The competition led to such technological advancements as we have and benefit from today. The competitive mode and nature of capitalism provided us with the technological apparatus, with the productive forces to solve the problems that capitalism promised to solve. Capitalism is now what stands in the way of solving those problems.

Socialism is a decidedly mature step forward. We demand the right to self-determination. Decision making is the only way to grow. As children we make decisions and suffer the consequences or reap the benefits. As we develop, our decision making abilities, reasoning skills and logic have evolved, partly due to previous decisions made. Societies and nations should be afforded the same opportunity to fail and to succeed, to learn and to grow. Socialism is that step of maturity toward self-sufficiency and self-determination.

Communism, that “far out” idea, will be the pinnacle of a human society. It would be foolish to try to illustrate the fine details of what this society will look like. If we start to do that, we begin to negate the organic nature of the development of that society. We can discuss what this society may, should, could look like etc. Work to build models that facilitate progression toward a communist society. It would be like asking a child what they imagine a day in their life when they’re 40 will be like. We will get plenty of creative and imaginative responses, but none will come near the reality that is the result of the development of this child’s life. Only as we mature as a species, and begin to demand better of ourselves will we begin to see truly new and revolutionary ways of building a communist society.

On the Proposal of a 3 Tiered Approach

It has been observed that among the Communist movements / parties in Canada there seems to be a Disconnect in approaches or avenues of struggle. There are parties who have opted to isolate the struggle to means of “legal Marxism”, or within the confines of bourgeois (capitalist) parliament and mass actions / protests; and within the scope of its laws. On the other hand, there are also revolutionary parties and movements who have opted to remove themselves from parliamentary politics and focus strictly on revolutionary struggle. It seems that to sacrifice one avenue for another can be and is detrimental to the revolutionary struggle altogether.

First, let us express that by having this divide as to how we approach the achievement of communism in Canada, absent cohesion and unity between the differing factions, from an outside perspective we have just begun the process of discrediting ourselves as communists. This point can and will certainly be argued by communists, but as it concerns the majority or the masses of people, this statement holds true. Now that’s not to say that there are not reasons, and good ones why this unity and cohesion does not exist, however, it does not change the fact of the situation. That this division among communists, the division among tactics and the visual disunity and lack of cohesion hinders our progress among the masses.

The proposition that is being made is not of this or that. It’s not one of having to choose this way or that way, this approach or that approach. It is being proposed as an analysis and resulting plan of action in response to the observations made of not only our short comings as communists in this movement, but to the in depth and ingrained nature of the state / current capitalist structure in every aspect of our lives. The powers that be have not limited themselves to one strategy, one avenue of attack, repression, oppression etc. The powers that be have correctly observed, asserted and implemented the need to simultaneously engage in every strata of society in order to maintain not only the physical power that they wield, but also the psychological power that would see us removed from independence, self-sustainability and self-direction. The proposition being made is not a new one. However, it may be new in today’s idea of a “communist revolution.”

Not only is it an attempt to rectify the course of the communist movement in Canada, but an attempt to bridge the gap between communists and anarchists also. We Communists and Anarchists have a common goal. A classless, stateless and money-less society. Where we differ is on the approach of how to achieve such a society. Anarchists are for the most part against the Socialist state-building of communism. One reason, and probably the most valid, is the potential for abuse of power by the state. Another reason, is the idea that people should not or do not need to be governed or ruled. As communists we can agree with both of these statements, however we can also see where there would arise problems, especially in a country as vast and diverse as Canada. But that’s not to say that the anarchist ideal and model should simply be disregarded in lieu of the socialist-state building model. On the contrary, instead of creating a divide, this has the potential to create a stronger working unity between the communists and anarchists which we will speak to later.

Conversely, communists recognize the need for a state in the interim for a multitude of reasons; from counter-revolution, to international engagements, to the basic functions of a society as we said as vast and diverse as Canada in the reorganizing and restructuring of how society functions, and to the reorganizing of our economic model from profit to needs driven. Communists recognize the need for a transitional period between capitalism and communism. However, communists also, or should also recognize the potential for abuse that so many are fearful of. We will come back to this point shortly.

Now, communists (ones who haven’t succumb to strictly legal methods of struggle) and anarchists for the most part both agree with the need for a revolutionary peoples struggle. That it is in fact right to rebel, and that self defense is not violence. Granted, there are less revolutionary movements in Canada than in other parts of the world, but we would suggest that there are only less violent revolutionary movements. Canada has within it a revolutionary consciousness, albeit revolutionary in idea and ideals. A common thing heard among disenfranchised and unorganized Canadians are things like “grow food not lawns”, “off the grid”, “self – sustaining” etc… These ideas, when propagated within a system of dependency, which we will explain more in a different section of this paper, are revolutionary ideas. They are revolutionary ideas in the sense that they go against the grain or the norm of what is socially acceptable as a society. They are revolutionary in the sense that they outright attack the powers that be for ignoring the needs of the people in lieu of greater profits. They are revolutionary in the sense that people must come against an oppressive system that would hold us hostage in dependence in order to illustrate the truth of this subjugation, and they are revolutionary in the sense that a growing number of people would rather disconnect from the current paradigm than to continue to perpetuate it. So while people in Canada may not be shouting for the violent revolutionary overthrow of the system, yet, there is certainly a revolutionary consciousness being propagated; albeit absent proper ideological leadership, organization and unity.

Mao, in his work “On Contradictions”, correctly asserted that within any system, ideology, party etc. exist contradictions. A series of contradictions, inseparable from each other, existing due to the very nature of opposites. Within this scope of contradictions it is possible he said to find the “primary contradiction”. It is from this primary contradiction that all others stem and exist within. In Canada, the primary contradiction is that of Capitalism. That is, of the capitalist ruling class, and of the exploited class (in all our variations). Within this framework are a multitude of secondary contradictions; colonialism being one of them and the contradiction between the Colonial State and the First Nations peoples of Turtle Island. For some, this colonial contradiction may seem like the primary, however let us suggest, and we will explain this more thoroughly in another paper, that this contradiction is a by-product of capitalism. That colonialism is an extension of capitalism and as such capitalism is the primary contradiction. The above contradictions laid out within the communist movement, and the contradictions between the anarchist model and that of state-built socialism are natural by-products of the contradictions of capitalism, however if we step back , observe the situation at the level of primary contradiction, we have found unity in the fact that we all are opposite capitalism. We would suggest that this is the point from which we start. The point of unity. From here, we should work backward in our development of a unified working model. From this point of unity, we should examine where our disagreements / contradictions begin to take place and immediately from that point, begin to work on models that develop the continued unity and the rectification of these contradictions. Example: the contradiction between state-built socialism and the anarchist model, the contradiction between legal Marxism and illegal, the contradiction between peoples war and parliamentary politics, the contradiction between the anarchist model and defense from international threats, etc. These contradictions, all have in their own regard valid and invalid points. Taken separately all of the approaches, as mentioned at the beginning of this introduction seem not only lacking, but to create a divide among the most class conscious and aware of us.

Our suggestion is that through the development of models that aim to rectify these contradictions through unity , we can effectively end the factionalized sectarian nature of the communist / anarchist struggle in Canada , and develop a 3 tiered working model of struggle that not only recognizes and remedies these contradictions but that will have become stronger physically, ideologically and organizationally and will be better equipped to combat the capitalist ruling class in the same in-depth and ingrained manner with which they combat us. What we are proposing is not a one or the other

Approach as is seen now in all walks of revolutionary struggle, but a 3 tiered approach –

1) Systems within Systems – Communist / Anarchist systems of development within society as a method to remove dependence from the state apparatus in every strata possible, creating the framework of an existing and growing communist society within the belly of a dying and decaying capitalist society; and to counter balance the potential of state abuse based on this dependency.

2) A Revolutionary Peoples Party – top down / bottom up approach, to struggle in the parliamentary arena, and in the streets, for revolutionary ideas, to utilize the platform provided with which to engage millions of people in revolutionary ideology and the need for and nature of revolutionary struggle and change.

3) Revolutionary People’s Defense Force / Peoples War – with which to defend the advances made by these new people driven systems within our communities, defend the people within our communities against repression, reaction etc. To be a force which is instrumental in combating the capitalist state leading up to the revolutionary change, and for combating the potential for state abuse of power during the transitional stage of socialism.

In the following pages, we will briefly develop an image of what these working models might look like, how they will integrate with and complement each other, and hopefully provide the framework for what will be a more in-depth and detailed consolidation of these ideas. Comrades, friends, sisters and brothers, What we are proposing is unity in the truest sense, evolution in the realest sense, and a three-tiered cohesion that recognizes and observes, and involves and includes all aspects and conditions of the revolutionary potential and struggle in Canada.

On The Development Of New Societal Systems From Within

Much has been revealed over the years about the true nature of the system that we live in. From this, much discussion has taken place about the growing disparity between the Global Elite and the rest of us. Much awareness has been drawn to the parasitic nature of the current paradigm; to the ever crumbling illusion of a democratic style of governance. Terms like Oligarchy and 1% are commonly used when describing either the nature of our system or those who hold the reins of such a system. There is much talk about nations having surrendered their sovereignty and politicians who have signed it away to multinational corporations, who by law now have more rights to profit in many instances than nations have to self-determination; including nations in the west like Canada and the USA. And there is much talk about the need to remove the current parasitic system and replace it with a friendlier, more human system.

The latter talk has led to many more ideological conversations and hypothesis of how to initiate, instigate, mitigate, create, implement, maintain and carry on with such a system that would replace the old. Indeed the idea of replacing an oppressive and exploitative system permeates throughout human history. As does the truth of class antagonisms, i.e. oppressed / exploited and oppressor / exploiter. Throughout history we have seen attempts at alternative methods, we have seen revolutions, we have seen counter-revolutions etc. What we have seen repeatedly is either an attempt to reconstruct the system out of the old from the top down, or an attempt to reform the system, either from the top down or from the ground up; as with the labor movement throughout the 20th century. The common theme between many of these endeavors and attempts was violence and the violent overthrow of the old and implementation of the new. As history has taught us and will continue to teach us, that which is achieved and enforced solely through violent measures is doomed to fail.

Let’s first examine why the current system is able to continue to function in such a destructive and oppressive manner. Dependence on the system by the people enslaved to the system is the primary reason we can decipher. Some may argue that it is their capital that keeps them in power. Others may argue that it is something else. But follow us if you will down the road of dependence and let’s properly analyze if it is anything other than dependence by the people that keeps them in power. We, as a society, have become dependent on our rulers for just about every aspect of our lives; and this is by design. A society self-sufficient is a society with no need for a ruling body. As such, the very ability for us to become a self-sufficient society has been removed from us. At every level this is true. The system of control has in place various smaller systems of control. Some blatantly for the purpose of control. Some under the guise of services to society. Some under the guise of meeting the needs of society. The point being that those at the helm have managed to intertwine themselves, their systems, into every aspect of our society. Through this method / technique, a society of dependency has been created. We depend on the grocery store for our food, on schools to educate our children, on the city to collect our garbage, on department stores to provide us with our goods, on employers to provide us with subsistence, on governments to create jobs, and on international banking cartels to continue to print currency that perpetuates the entire system. Just to name a few. We could spend countless hours fully breaking apart the system of dependency in order to illustrate just how prevalent it really is, but we get the idea.

Now, if we contrast this dependency, with the ideology of revolution, it is not hard to see why armed and open revolution is not on the tongues of the masses. As we mentioned earlier, history shows us that that which is achieved and maintained solely through violence is doomed to fail. But what then? What can be the approach if we are to make a move against the current paradigm, while at the same time neglecting to repeat previous failed methods or models? If we see the potential for abuse within a top down structural readjusting and dismantling by a vanguard party tasked with the will of the people? If we see reforms as a way of merely placating the masses into an even more dependent and complacent society / environment? What is to be done? Suppose we were to create and build new systems from within the current system. Suppose we, the people, systematically removed ourselves from those systems that work to oppress us through dependence and in their place developed new systems that were absent any of the ruling mechanisms of the previous. Suppose we took a step toward self-sufficiency, not as a nation that’s already been sold to the corporations, but as a collection of communities united and removed from a system that claims to represent us while systematically ignoring us. Suppose if these systems, created by the people, for the people, were to take shape and form in communities all over. Suppose if these systems began to outweigh the previous systems of dependence. Suppose for a moment, if the people were no longer dependent on the ruling powers’ systems of dependencies, if the ruling powers would still have the power to rule. Who would be left to rule under the parasitic system, if there is no one but rulers left participating in that system?

Who would be left to rule over? Would they still have the power to rule?

These are 2 fundamental questions that we urge everyone to consider when contemplating the previous question of “how the current paradigm is able to continue”.

What is different in this / these new systems as opposed to the old? Primarily the motive with which we develop both these ideals and these systems is different. The current profit motive directive has proven itself incompatible with humanity as a species. This is indeed the cry of all those who declare the need for a new system. But if not profit being the motivator then what you may ask. Human needs becomes the primary motive from which these ideals and systems develop. Seems like a radical idea doesn’t it. Human beings working to meet the needs of human beings. It is a radical idea in a society that has become accustomed to climbing over each other to reach the imagined top of the ladder. It is a radical idea in the context of disagreeing with the long standing argument that humans are inherently greedy and individualistic. Indeed, despite popular contention in mainstream media or mainstream politics, individuality and community are not mutually exclusive; we would suggest that a community made up of a myriad of diverse and individual personalities strengthens said community. It is a radical idea because unlike other presentations of alternatives or even the current paradigm, it is not an assimilation into a singular ideal, no, it is a cohesion around a moral center. This cohesion around meeting the needs of human beings is the radical nucleus of a new living organism. Like a cell it will grow to a certain point and divide, multiply and continue to grow. In this manner, and in this purity, from within breeds the destruction of the without. In a world where 99% of the population is looking in from the outside on something that will forever remain unattainable, it stands to reason that it is now instead time to turn the entire paradigm inside out. When 1% of the population use the needs of human beings to generate profit at the expense of the 99%, it becomes time for the 99% to meet the needs of human beings without the burden of profit. Without the power of profit, and without the exploitative nature and corruption of profit.

Babies are born from within the cradle of the womb

Societies we are told keep us safe, keep us together, keep us well etc. Societies to human beings are like cocoons from which new life, new advancements, new ideals are constantly being born. Societies act as a womb in which we as individuals, and as communities have grown and continue to grow. At times seemingly brand new conditions and paradigms spring to life resembling that of a child coming into the world during birth; but of which we know are the results of the growth process inside the womb. Two things are certain, we live and we die. Revolutions then, it stands to reason, can be equated or reckoned in the same certainties. Life and death. Is a revolution rooted in the growth and perpetuation of life, or is a revolution rooted in the blood of death?

Some may and certainly do argue that a revolution must be and can only come about by a violent struggle between the oppressed and the oppressors. Indeed history shows us that many successful revolutions have been seen as a result of this idea. Perhaps conditions exist in which a violent struggle becomes a people’s only path to freedom, but is that to say that this becomes the only road to revolution? In the same breath some may argue that to use the oppressive system as a means to combat the oppressive system is neither revolutionary nor logical. Perhaps conditions exist where this too becomes a people’s only path to freedom, but does this also require or suggest that this is the only road or method of revolution, or that only 1 road or method of revolution should be applied? Of course not, although this method also has been seen to have successful results on occasion. But what are the similar conditions or features of each of these methods of revolution and results? What we see and have seen, is not a replacement of the system which stands opposed to, but instead a replacement of people in the positions to wield whatever degree of power is afforded them within the current paradigm. For many reasons, and once again much of which is external influences, these revolutions have failed to produce the dismantling or overthrow of the actual system / state itself. In some cases admittedly, life for the population certainly has been improved substantially, but in many cases the old systems, remain.

We can suggest that the reason for this is that in each instance, instead of the new paradigm being grown in the womb of society, it was instead the approach to attach particular ideals to a non-compatible system. We can then further suggest that instead of recognizing this contradiction and continuing down the path of cognitive dissonance, that we examine for a moment a revolutionary approach that is non-violent in nature ( remembering that self defense is not violence) and absent and apart the mechanisms of our current societies. We develop, nurture and grow the babies (systems) of a new society, of a new paradigm, within the womb of the old. In the past and even in the present, revolutions have tried and are trying to replace the current system by merely placing another system in its place; overlapping it if you will. What we suggest, and we’re sure many have suggested before us, is that instead we grow the new society within the womb of the old.

What is the new society, and how do we grow it?

Imagine if community based and operated services, structures and institutions began to spring up in cities all over the place. Imagine if conscious effort was put forth to remove our dependence on the current system by providing the same services and meeting the same needs as the current systems. Imagine if instead of donating clothing for example to places that charge money for second hand clothing, or charities who then profit from the donations, there was a place that was worked by community volunteers to meet the clothing needs of those in the community at no cost to donate these items to. Imagine if instead of growing lawns and depending on grocery stores to supply the produce to a community, a community decided to grow lawn gardens and vertical gardens as a joint community venture; together meeting the needs for produce of the entire community. Imagine if schools, known to be little more than indoctrination centers for children and a source of debt for young adults, instead came together in communities to really educate our children. Imagine if a community were able to produce and operate its own power grid based on alternative forms of energy and then imagine if this technology was then shared with other communities. Imagine a community watch program in which all of the community is committed to the safety of all of the community. Imagine if new peoples / workers movements/coalitions replaced the current ones who have long since sold out to the ruling class. Imagine a society growing, thriving and living within the womb of a society shrinking, deprived and dying. Imagine the radical idea that we are not dependent on systems of control and dictation; we are not dependent on systems of illusory representation, but that we can thrive in a cohesive, inclusive society that from the very root has been in the pursuit of a new paradigm; a paradigm based on equality and humanity, not profit and exploitation.

In which ways can we remove ourselves from dependence in the immediacy?

The idea is to develop a working society, or at least in the beginning the structures and framework of a working society, that meet the needs of human beings within a working society that does not. There is a difference between meeting the needs of people and controlling the needs of the people. This difference serves as one of the fundamental founding building blocks of this new society. In this manner we strive to phase out the old mechanisms and systems of society by implementing new people oriented and people driven modes. A startling statistic in Canada is the fact that an estimated 9.5 million people did not vote in the 2011 election. For a myriad of reasons this is the case so we won’t get into dissecting them all. We merely want to draw attention to the number of people joined in a common idea; that being not voting. On its own, we view not voting as a flawed protest when used as such if it is not coupled with any secondary actions. That is, the mere act of not voting as a stand-alone approach does little to effect change within society and only continues to serve the plans of the masters. If however, 9.5 million people who didn’t vote, also decided to remove themselves from the society that has obviously disenfranchised a vast number of people, then a real effect can be had and felt. Suppose 9.5 million people stopped going to work, pulled their children out of school, refused to shop at the grocery stores, refused to by petrol, refused to pay taxes etc. These direct actions would have direct and stunning effects and consequences to the current paradigm. Suppose now, if at the same time, 9.5 million people developed new schools, cooperative employment to meet each other’s needs via each other’s skills, new sources of food / produce etc. Suppose these people came together to build new communities within the current cities, connected by vast networks of common ground, common ideals, common goals and common purpose. Suppose for a moment if a system as decaying and decrepit as the one we currently have could withstand such a blow as 9.5 million people removing themselves from the confines of society’s current dependencies. Now getting 9.5 million people to simultaneously do something is a monumental task all on its own, and whether or not it is achievable is debatable. But this new model, this new ideal, does not have to be built by 9.5 million people simultaneously. Each person in each city or community can take charge of initiating and forwarding this shift.

Is it possible to create within a society the conditions where the previous mode of society falls to non-existence? We believe so. Some modes / systems will be easier to develop, some will come later. The idea is to produce systems that replace the current systems, systems entirely created by the people, for the people with decisions and directions / directives being determined by the people. In the immediacy we can develop community based independent people’s organizations. We can develop communal gardens, we can develop community garbage/recycling/compost programs, community clothing centers. We can develop our own schools. We can develop our own food banks. We can develop work exchange programs. That is to say that one person or group exchange the work they do for another person or groups work, services or goods. We can develop community maintenance programs. Community outreach programs. Community art programs and events and a myriad other people / community based and oriented expressions of this new society. Together we can develop a community of cooperation and of unity built on the valued diversity of every individual and absent the red tape, bureaucracy and money that comes with conditions. Together we can build the future we all say we want and treat the disease that is our current system from within.

What will the eventual results of this sort of development be?

It stands to reason that as more and more of these systems or modes develop in cities and communities, then the balance will begin to shift in favor of the new paradigm. We revert back to a previous question, or a previous few questions. If the people were no longer dependent on the ruling powers’ systems of dependencies, would the ruling powers still have the power to rule? Who would be left to rule under the parasitic system, if there is no one but rulers left participating in that system?

On A Revolutionary Peoples Party

The need for a political party is often something that is debated heavily and at times hotly. The nature of political parties is also something that is not only debated but often called into question. Clearly, within the framework of our current system, political parties have proven to be extensions of the ruling class for the purpose of maintaining the status quo. As it relates to our communist parties, the parliamentary parties have long since stopped advocating for revolutionary politics in parliament, and our revolutionary party has abandoned the parliamentary fight of revolutionary politics. As it stands, there is no political party engaging the masses in revolutionary politics within a parliamentary setting. This raises another question, what are revolutionary politics and why are they important? People have also lost “faith” so to speak in the “empty promises” of political parties who say they “represent” them. Or fear what may come once a particular party is in power. Indeed history shows us that political parties in the majority and on both ends of the spectrum have validated this loss of faith and fear. Instead of recognizing this condition of the consciousness of the people and working to develop models that rectify these contradictions, the majority of the current parties are either trying to justify the actions that cause distrust and fear, or convince the masses that they are somehow different while applying the same style model.

The task of any communist party is to educate, agitate, mobilize, direct / lead the masses to overthrow the capitalist system of exploitation and bring about the implementation of socialism; and the building of communism. The key word in this statement is the masses. In Maoism, there is something called “mass line”. The mass line is the party’s method of going to the masses to understand the condition, struggle, wants and needs of the masses , and then developing a model based on that and presenting that to the masses as a solution to these problems / conditions. What has happened though is that these parties are bringing a party line to the masses, an ideological line, and neglecting to take into consideration what the people are saying, and succumbing to the problems of justification or salesmanship mentioned above. We have failed so far to present the disenfranchised masses with a model that has considered and taken into account the concerns and objections that create distrust and fear of political parties and their potential.

What are revolutionary politics?

If a revolution can be defined as: “Revolution, in social and political science, a major, sudden, and hence typically violent alteration in government and in related associations and structures.” and “an overthrow or repudiation and the thorough replacement of an established government or political system by the people governed.”, then revolutionary politics can be described as that which advocates and puts forth in a political forum the need for such a radical change of politics and organization of society, and the model that would see it to fruition. What is the nature of our current political forum? In Canada, we have a handful of political parties, or extensions of the ruling class, that put on a show for the masses under the guise of battling it out for our best interests. A not so difficult exploration of the policies and mandates of these parties will quickly show that all of their interests are the interests of the ruling class, at the expense of us. Revolutionary politics is meeting the enemy on the battlefield of ideology and waging incessant war against a system of exploitation and deception. Revolutionary politics is meeting them at every turn, and every opportunity to interject our ideology and our model in a direct combative and confrontational manner that not only exposes the inherent contradiction between profit and human well-being, but forces the defenders of such a system to defend it in the wake of such a challenge. Again, and again, and again. It exposes and constantly brings to light the fact that the imposition of a global capitalist system is a declaration of war on the vast majority of people, and that in the wake of such a declaration, self defense is not only a logical and rational, but a necessary response. Self defense is not violence. It is advocating for revolutionary change at every strata of society, in every way. It is advocating for the preservation of our future through the revolutionary struggle of our present.

What are the fears and distrust of political parties, both pre and post revolution?

The distrust comes in the wake of decades upon decades of lies, deception, betrayal, coercion, extortion, and plain disregard. The fear comes from a mixture of propaganda and historical context. Of course people don’t trust politicians. They’re snaky, they lie, cheat, and all the other pleasantries that come with being a representative/ salesperson of the ruling class. Of course people don’t trust a collection of people rallied behind their party line or party ideology. With promises and silver tongues the people have been had too many times and it’s beginning to taste sour. Couple that with a historical picture of parties rising to power on the promises of proletariat dictatorship (workers / people power) only to find themselves under the dictatorship over the proletariat by the now ruling / elitist party. Enforced by the very armed forces that were charged with liberating and protecting the people, by and large due to its loyalty to the party. So, what we have is a recognition that people generally don’t trust politicians or parties, and fear the results of particular parties of certain ideologies coming to power. How do we deal with this condition? By trying to convince the masses, through words and actions, that we are in fact different and we / our parties won’t do these things, and failing to present a new model. We fail to consider the factors that A) create the conditions for the potential reality of these concerns, and B) how we can rectify them and create a model in line with the mass line.

What are the conditions that provide for the potential reality of the concerns of distrust and fear?

The consolidation of power into the hands of a ruling party with the military apparatus at its disposal tasked with presenting / applying and defending the needs of the people – In vangaurdism, both within Leninism and Maoism, a vanguard party is tasked to organize and lead the working class / masses to power. To overthrow the capitalist system, to institute the dictatorship of the proletariat and to create a society of the working class for the working class. Then to wither away the state, removing the situation of and need for power / ruling body. This historically has not been the case.

Loyalty to the party above all else – Political parties, for the vast majority of supporters who join, are clubs for some , feelings of power or belonging to others, the lesser of evils to some. Most people who are in a political party ( we are making a generalization based on conversations and experience we have had personally and it is in no way a reference to any particular case study ) are in disagreement with certain aspects, sometimes important ones, of the parties ideology. For example, there are many anti-capitalists within and supportive of the NDP (New Democratic Party) simply because they represent “the lesser of the evils”. For a myriad of reasons people seek to join or support a political party. And often times for a myriad of reasons will choose loyalty to the party over what’s best overall. Psychologically it could be argued, whether conscious or not, this is in part to maintain the identity that has been built up of oneself around association with a particular party / group / ideology etc. This is not exclusive to politics and can be witnessed in any scenario where a particular ideology / group association has deep and influential bearing on a person’s identity and as such reality and sanity. With this understanding , which we are certainly not the only ones to have observed and understand through history, the potential to exploit this understanding within the ranks of the party itself, by members in a higher position , leads to a general distrust of a parties motives and unity.

The subordination of the military apparatus / people’s army to the party – With power to legislate society in the hands of a ruling / governing party or body, and then the power to enforce that legislation in the hands of the same governing party / ruling body, it is easy to see why the fear of particular political parties with particular ideologies outweighs the promise from those same parties that that will in fact not lead to abuse. Ignoring the historical context (propaganda and reality) for a minute that the vast majority of people draw from when formulating this concern / fear, the simple articulation of the statement above “With power to legislate society in the hands of a ruling / governing party or body, and then the power to enforce that legislation in the hands of the same governing party / ruling body”, one is instantly led to concern over the implications of such a statement.

These are some of the most voiced objections or distrusts and fears the people who have disconnected from “faith” in political parties, as well as those opposed to a communist party have mentioned. How do we address and remedy these concerns, distrusts and fears? First, we need to recognize them as legitimate. How do we do that? By taking a different approach than to try to convince the masses that we are different, that they can trust us. Building trust, even in practical working relationships at the street level does not always translate to a trust in the party as a whole or the continuation of proven failed models with the promise of different outcomes. We need to present the masses with a working model that addresses the concerns and fears and allows for unity in the common goal of building communism. Let’s very broadly outline some remedies to the above posed obstacles.

As mentioned, the two main obstacles, or, concerns and fears that people have with a communist political party are: consolidation of legislative power into the hands of a ruling party / governing body, and consolidation of military power into the same hands of a ruling party / governing body. We remove the power of both and place it in the hands of the people.

1) Remove legislative power from the party: Remove consolidation of power. How? Party-less politics. Party-less politics can be described as democracy in its truest form. Without political parties we begin to remove a few obstacles and form the framework to answer some of the people’s concerns. First let’s outline what a party-less political arena would look like. In Canada currently, there are 338 electoral districts. During an election each political party will campaign in a respective district, all vying for their parties “win”. Usually under the banner of a political and particular ideology, with a working model designed to perpetuate that ideology and grant its proponent / party higher position in the ruling strata of society. Party-less politics says that political parties cannot take part in elections. That candidates cannot run for the victory of a party. That candidates must be from the constituency that they reside in. And that candidates, when elected, form a majority rule legislative body, absent the influence of party loyalties and all the above mentioned concerns surrounding that subject. 338 (that number does not need to be concrete) independent representatives of their particular constituencies, elected by majority vote in their riding to represent the majority position of the constituency they represent. Coupled with automatic recall laws in the event that a representative fails to carry out the majority decision of their constituency. In this manner ( which can and should also be scaled down to each corresponding level of needed representation ) we have begun to build a framework for democracy that removes the potential for not only exploitation of human psychology in the form of party / governing body dictatorship, but also for wide-spread corruption of political parties / leaders and institutions. One would have to not only persuade 51% of the representative body to go against the will of their people, but also 51% of the constituencies to go against their best interests. This becomes an extremely and exceedingly difficult task as people begin to recognize and exercise their true power through true democracy / dictatorship of the proletariat.

The dictatorship of the proletariat, is the majority rule of the people. Despite the historical illustrations otherwise, communism is democracy. Communism is the will of the people. Not everyone agrees that the will of the people should be the decisive factor in a society. We disagree with those people. Now absent party loyalty, framework or consolidation of legislative power in the hands of a party, as a determining factor of political / electoral engagements and decision making processes, we can see that what we have is the embryonic stage of a radical and revolutionary mode of politics that not only engages the population in the setting and situations that they live in every day, but hands them the political power to make decisions as a unified and functioning whole of society.

2) Place consolidation of military power into the hands of the representative body: The military apparatus of the peoples struggle, whether guerrilla units and / or a people’s army should be subordinate to the people on whose behalf it serves. This point raises a fundamental difference in ideology among most if not all communist parties and indeed communists. There is a line that says the people do in fact need an army, but that that army is to be a separate but subordinate entity to the party itself. Tasked with carrying out the programs / objectives of the party, but in service of the people. We propose, that since the military apparatus is tasked with serving / protecting the people and the people’s revolution, then the people’s representative body be the body that the people’s military arm is subordinate to. With the absence of political party or elitist ideology influencing the serious decision making process of when, where, how and why to use the military arm of the peoples revolution, we have begun to build a framework that not only helps to prevent the use of the people’s army for exploitative and adventurist purposes, but we have also put in place a framework with which to prevent internal repression of the people at the hands of a ruling party / governing body. We will have begun to build the framework in which the people have been given the opportunity and the power that not only hands them the political power to make decisions as a unified and functioning whole of society, but to defend it as well. It should be noted briefly, and expanded upon in later discussions, that this new model will also include an armed population. With adherence to the democratic mode of majority rule, and independent representative political practice, with or without an armed population we have removed many of the conditions that would warrant a popular uprising against this new model of organization of society. Any such attempts we believe would be met with popular opposition from the people’s revolution itself, and as such would be defended by both the military arm of the people’s revolution, as governed by majority rule, and the armed population itself in its majority.

In this way , with these two radical changes in the way politics and its military expression would function in our society , we have answered the most common questions , concerns and fears that the people have surrounding political parties and the power afforded them. We have not only speculated or postulated that perhaps this time will be different. We have not asked for your trust and faith that we indeed have your best interest at heart. What we have done is attempt to present the framework of a model (to be developed by all willing and united forces) that recognizes these concerns and fears of the people to the people. We are presenting a model that does not deny or discount, neither justify or defend that which causes concern and fear among the people. We are presenting a model (as it relates to a revolutionary peoples party, as well as sections above related to new systems within systems) that has heard these questions, concerns and fears and has answered them in the form of a basic framework from which to develop and build, together, a functioning, working, communist model of society, built by the people, and the political party that administers it.

Without the consolidation of legislative and military power, what will the communist party do?

There are many functions that are played by the role of a “state”. This is not in and of itself a negative thing. The stated aim of all communists should be the creation of a stateless and classless society. As we have argued in previous sections of this document, the need for a state apparatus of some form, in a country as expansive and diverse as Canada we feel is necessary for a time. This time is often referred to as socialism. The time when the people own the means of production (that which creates the wealth and stability i.e. necessities of life, resources, land etc. of a country) and when the productive motive of society is not the generation of profit but the meeting of people’s needs. In Canada, we have the conditions to be able to build a working model of a communist society that no other country on the planet has had to this day in history. We have a resource to population ratio that allows for the production of abundance. Abundance in the framework of meeting the needs of every man woman and child in Canada, with a surplus with which to help solve some real world problems. The only thing preventing us from seeing this ideal to a reality is the method by which we have chosen to organize society. Basically, capitalism. The profit motive of capitalism is the deciding factor of the productive forces of our society. In the pre-revolution stage, a party that wishes / aims to lead the masses toward and through a communist revolution, has to lead the masses toward a communist revolution. This encompasses a wide spectrum of things, especially in the pre-revolution stage of development. We should say, in the pre-violent revolutionary stage of development, because as we touched on in previous sections of this document, revolution is broader than violence. This wide spectrum includes things like the above mentioned revolutionary politics in a parliamentary setting. It includes meeting the mass revolutionary consciousness where it currently is and spearheading / initiating those revolutionary ideals into actual practical models of application. It includes exposing at every juncture the inherent anti-human nature of the current system we live in, its representative bodies and its institutions, and illustrating an alternative that meets the needs of people. It includes validating and propagating the need for revolutionary action, in every strata of society in response to the illustrated nature and character of our current parasitic ruling system. It includes the advocating for and creation of resistance movements, including a Revolutionary Peoples Defense, to the tightening reign of imperialism both at home and abroad and the growing reality of fascism. It is properly educating the masses to the truth of communism and the need to combat globalism and imperialism, and its root capitalism, and all of its resulting class divisions. It is to act as the organized expression of the disorganized masses until a time that revolution has seen the now organized masses to express themselves in the form of seizure of power. It is to lead the masses toward and through revolution, and then to administer on a national and international scale the mandates and everyday requirements of the people’s revolution; the administrative branch of the people’s representative body. The communist party becomes the administrators of and for the dictatorship of the proletariat / the people’s representative body. Absent the consolidated power of both legislative and military authority, the previously outlined concerns / fears regarding political parties and their powers are extremely lessened, if not removed, but the necessity of an administrative apparatus is recognized, and as such retained. This is a broad outline that can and should be expanded, on the potential nature of an actual “party of a new type”. An actual party of the people and for the people. A Revolutionary Communist Peoples Party.

On the need for a Revolutionary People’s Defense Force and People’s War

If voting changed anything, they wouldn’t let us do it.” – Mark Twain

Never be deceived that the rich will allow you to vote away their wealth.” – Lucy Parsons

These are pretty powerful statements that are rather hard to dispute. That’s not to say that we advocate not voting or parliamentary participation, as we mentioned in previous parts of this document we do; but for reasons and goals otherwise stated above. What we are saying and advocating is that we do not solely depend on parliamentary politics and struggle, or legal means to see the successful creation and development of a new, communist society. History shows us repeatedly that when the people of anywhere , in any way begin to progress in ways that are socially beneficial and in direct opposition to the much postulated idea that “capitalism is the best way we have”, then these progressive organizations, societies, nations etc. are systematically demonized, terrorized, and ultimately dismantled. Their leaders and organizers are often imprisoned or killed. Largely in part due to a lack of adequate defensive capabilities, coupled with the inherent terrorist nature of a capitalist ruling system. In the above sections of this document, we have outlined the framework for developing and building not only new, radical and progressive societal structures and systems, but for a method to radically change the nature of politics, political power and its military expression. With these presentations of concrete steps and ideals toward building a new and progressive society, it is entirely appropriate to consider that the same historical reality of demonization, terrorism and ultimately dismantling will be a priority of the old withering society. As such it is logical and rational to prepare for and engage in self defense; self defense is not violence.

I don’t even call it violence when it’s in self defense; I call it intelligence” – Malcolm X

Recognizing that in imperialist countries we live in a terrorist state under terrorist regimes. The dictionary defines terrorism as “the use of violence, fear and intimidation for political gain”. By definition we live within the belly of terrorist states, and under the illusion of democracy, are ruled / governed by terrorist regimes. In the broader analysis, we live in the heart of western imperialism and as such benefit directly from the continued exploitation, murder and terrorism of a good majority of sections of the world at the hands of our terrorist states. As human beings who have recognized this reality, the active passivity of such things, becomes a declaration of support. Anything other than vehement and constant opposition to such realities, in both legal and illegal framework and actions, is equivalent to a betrayal of our fellow human beings in the exploited class of the world. We have a responsibility to defend, protect and uphold the unity and solidarity that we have in common as human beings of the global exploited class (99.9%); and we have a responsibility and a duty to do whatever we can to help put an end to the environments and conditions that allow for their continuation.

In Canada, section 83.01 of the Criminal Code [1] defines terrorism as an act committed “in whole or in part for a political, religious or ideological purpose, objective or cause with the intention of intimidating the public …with regard to its security, including its economic security, or compelling a person, a government or a domestic or an international organization to do or to refrain from doing any act.” ( )

This definition , according to the Canadian Criminal Code, condemns our government ( in its continuous 150 year reign) of the crimes of engaging in terrorist activities, of being a terrorist organization / nation state, and participating in the international terrorist organization known as NATO. Countless instances can be cited both in Canada’s domestic as well as international history and present time to confirm this declaration and charge. Capitalism as a system is terrorism. The methods employed to perpetuate and preserve capitalism at home and abroad are terrorist. The imperialist, capitalist ruling nations are terrorist states with terrorist regimes at the helm.

On 28 September 2001, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, it adopted resolution 1373 (2001), stating explicitly that every act of terrorism constitutes a “threat to international peace and security” and that the “acts, methods, and practices of terrorism are contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.” The resolution also requires all States to criminalize terrorist acts; to penalize acts of support for or in preparation of terrorist offenses; to criminalize the financing of terrorism; to depoliticize terrorist offenses; to freeze funds of persons who commit or attempt to commit terrorist acts; and to strengthen international cooperation in criminal matters.

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By this UN declaration, our government (and all western imperialist governments) are to be considered international terrorist organizations, operating as terrorist regimes, and engaging in state- sponsored terrorist activities throughout the world. Why has the UN not acted on behalf of the people of the world and condemned these nations, including Canada for their actions? We can postulate a few ideas, however we will save those ideas for another discussion, and instead allow the reality and scope of this charge and explanation to settle.

What is revolutionary defense?

Revolutionary defense is the recognition that capitalism as a global system is the equivalent of a declaration of war on the majority of the world’s population. It is a recognition of the rising tide of fascism in the western imperialist countries. It is drawing a line in the sand and declaring unwaveringly that in this battle, we stand with the oppressed people of the world, in resistance to capitalism, imperialism, colonialism and all of their resulting inequalities. It is also listening to the voices of those who have shared with us their fears, their wants, their needs etc. It is taking into consideration the revolutionary consciousness of the people, developing the framework for a new model based on that consciousness , and not only initiating the creation , but actively defending ( in all ways ) the progress and developments of the new systems and organizations that grow out of the new people’s revolution. Revolutionary defense is also the defense of our comrades and brothers and sisters who remain oppressed under the imperialist and colonialist nature of Canada, and other western imperialist nations. This defense takes the form of both legal and illegal struggle. It is being prepared, capable, ready and resolved for any and all times that the people’s revolution is in jeopardy. It is being responsible and accountable to the people and to the masses; and to be steadfast and solid in our determination to stay the course through victory. Revolutionary defense is a necessity when we consider the historical reality of all past attempts to build a progressive, socialist or communist society.

What is people’s war?

People’s war is defined as: 1. a war in which the common people are regarded as fighting against the ruling classes or foreign aggressors. 2. A war in which all members of the community are involved, a total war.

In the historic showdown that will see the end of capitalism, the reality of an ongoing people’s war is already with us. As we mentioned earlier in these pages, the system of capitalism is a global system, and as such one must look at the world as a whole to gauge an accurate picture of what is actually going on. If we take a step back and examine the results of the capitalist system, we see an extremely imbalanced and heart-breaking picture. We see destitution and death, starvation and war. Millions of children will die each year from starvation while at the same time we have the productive and distributive capabilities to feed every man woman and child on the planet. We see more than two-thirds of the world’s population living on less than 200$ / year, while 8 people hold half the world’s wealth. We see imperialist nations and foreign capital penetrate the sovereign nations of the “third world” in an attempt to subjugate them, and we see resistance movements. Since the commencement of capitalism, the conditions and contradictions that would serve to create resistance and revolutions have been seen and growing. From the Paris Commune to the Peruvian People’s War, and a multitude in between, resistance to the imposition and exploitation of capitalism has stood its ground. Some were crushed when they began, others remain to this day, but in every movement, failure or victory, the fires of the people’s resolve for self-determination and liberation were stoked. People’s War is when the people have recognized that the powers that be are in fact waging a protracted war against the people, and the people return the call. People’s War is the inevitability of any society trying to shift toward a socially beneficial and egalitarian model; and People’s War is a necessity when we step back and examine the state of the world we live in and the conditions of our comrades, brothers and sisters affected by the imperialist and colonialist oppression of our nations. People’s War is the cry of all those who would dare to be free!

Building the revolutionary defense.

The Revolutionary Defense, as well as the People’s Army, will be a unified, capable and militant force tasked with the defense and waging of the People’s Revolution. The nature, size, and scope of this force will undoubtedly change as we grow, build and progress; but the ideological foundations laid in the building process will remain. The force will grow out of the ranks of the masses. The people, who recognizing the current state and trajectory of our world, will choose to take up the mantle of People’s War and Revolutionary Defense and will begin to set the stage for the ongoing global conflict, at home on our front. It is not an adventurist, terrorist cell that wages seemingly unprincipled, or non-strategic attacks on our capitalist enemy; and it is not merely a theoretical study group which postulates the methods and techniques of war. The aim is to be an effective force in not only combating oppression, repression, exploitation and occupation, but to defend the advances we make as we begin to grow the new society from within the womb of the old. It is a commitment for life, a risk of death or imprisonment, and among the most righteous tasks any lover and defender of freedom and human life can engage in. It is purpose, it is resolve, and most important, it is necessary. The Revolutionary Defense / People’s Army serve and are subordinate to the people. As we mentioned above in the section regarding the revolutionary party, consolidation of military power into the hands of a single ruling party is one of the most voiced concerns or fears we heard when engaging with the people. We have not, as you have seen, let these fears go unheard. In the previous pages we presented a model that would place political and military power into the hands of the people. We hold that this model and this approach is the best way to ensure both the safety and security of the people, as well as the longevity of the people’s revolution. In no instance from inception to completion will the people’s armed force be subordinate to anyone but the people. This will clearly take different forms and shapes during different times and progressions of the people’s revolution as a whole , but the model of direct democratic representation can and should be scaled down to every level; neighborhood, community , city , province etc… In this manner, the military or defensive apparatus will refrain from acting of its own accord, and risking the safety or preservation of the people’s revolution, while at the same time building the framework and structured discipline of a force subordinate to the people.

Obviously the details of the activities of the Revolutionary Defense Force and People’s Army cannot be fully elaborated in these pages. We hope that within these pages, we have given enough of an insight to not only the current terrorist nature of our ruling bodies, but to the need and necessity of not only a people’s revolution from the inside out, but for a capable, willing and committed defense force to defend, protect and push forward the People’s Revolution, in all of its stages and forms.


Fascism is capitalism in decay.” – Lenin

Western capital is losing its dominance. Western imperialist domination of the globe is being threatened by other imperialist powers, while at the same time globalism has become a reality. The gap between the global rich and poor is widening to monumental proportions and the people of the world have realized the nature of the game. All signs are pointing to the inevitable collapse of our current paradigm and the introduction of a new one. What that new paradigm will be, is going to be largely determined by the peoples response to the escalation of the draconian measures, laws and actions of our governments and ruling elites. In the United States of America, as well as Canada, we can see the rising tide of fascism in the screams of nationalism, patriotism and pride around Donald Trump and his racist divisive rhetoric. In Canada, city police forces have been being militarized at increasing rates. Any examination of a people’s right to protest at events such as the G20 in Toronto, Ontario, Canada in 2010, will quickly show that this right exists on paper only. Our protected chartered rights have been and are being systematically removed through legislation like Bill C51, C24 and many, many others, and similar legislations in place in other western imperialist and capitalist countries. The fact is that within a capitalist system, freedom exists only so long as the status quo remains unthreatened. This is one of the reasons our parliamentary communist parties are allowed to engage in politics. If you look through the history of the communist movement in Canada, you will see that every time, when communists did in fact pose a threat to the status quo, they were de-registered as a party, terrorized, arrested, assassination attempts were made and the list goes on. The need for revolutionary change in every strata of our society is something that few people would argue. The way that we have chosen to organize our society and productive forces have been proven to be in direct opposition to human well-being, equality, decency and the human condition in general.

As mentioned in previous sections of this document, Canada has the conditions, capabilities and productive forces to succeed in building a working, functioning, and communist society. A society built on the foundations of equality among human beings, meeting the needs of society as a whole, and combating real world problems. Canada has, as we said above, a resource to population ratio that afford us the opportunity no other attempts at building communism had. We can build a better society. We can build a better world. What we have presented in these pages is a framework only. A broad, but illustrative description of what we have learned from the people, what we have learned from the divisions between anarchists and communists, what we have learned from the historical reality of the global struggle for social change and how we aim to move forward. Our goal is to build unity, solidarity, and a committed social transformation from the inside out, from the top down, from the bottom up; in every strata of our society and at every junction we come into contact with the capitalist mode. We are Communists. We are Anarchists. We are Socialists and Anti-Capitalists. We are human beings who have seen the horrors of the world from inside the terrorist camp of western imperialist nations. We encourage everyone and anyone who has read these pages, resonate with their words and ideas, and want to help construct this society, together, to contact us at the links on the following page, to connect with likeminded individuals in your communities and cities, to learn, to educate, to agitate and to organize.

We are the people. We are A Communist Canada!

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Building The Future From The Inside Out – Strategic Aims Of A Communist Canada

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Building The Future From The Inside Out – Strategic Aims Of A Communist Canada – pamphlet print version